Page 237 - Panjek, Aleksander, Jesper Larsson and Luca Mocarelli, eds. 2017. Integrated Peasant Economy in a Comparative Perspective: Alps, Scandinavia and Beyond. Koper: University of Primorska Press
P. 237
intangible and material evidence on the slovenian peasant economy ...
at the same time the real number of holdings was quite a lot larger than the
above mentioned figures would imply.
In order to avoid the risk of overestimation due to possible exaggera-
tions of the contemporary observers, we may assume an average division of
each old hube into two parts. For the Devin manor that would double their
number from 273.5 plus 35 to 547 plus 70 hube-portions, whose total would
be 617 ‘larger’ holdings. A less prudent estimation, based on a more liter-
al understanding of the commissionaire’s observation, would imply multi-
plying the number of hube by three, totalling 925.5 holdings. In both cases
at least 100 cottagers must be added. On this basis we may roughly estimate
a total number of about 700 to around 1,000 peasant holdings in the Devin
jurisdiction in 1637.
This information seems to confirm the hypothesis that the Karst could
represent a good environment for an integrated peasant economy. We’ll be
looking for confirmation further on through the analysis of the local real
estate market. But first we’ll sketch some examples of non-agricultural and
market related activities of the Karst peasants in the Early Modern centu-
ries, based on the existing literature.2
As early as 1552 the provincial estates of Carniola claimed that “in par-
ticular in Carniola and the Karst the peasants could not remain on their
farms without trade and their carrying activities.”3 In a report from a cus-
toms officer dating back to the year 1567, we may read that the transit of cat-
tle coming from the duchy of Carniola and directed to the Venetian terri-
tory transformed into widespread smuggling when crossing the Karst. In
1589 “pedlars” (Krämer) and “tradesmen” from the Karst were reportedly
used to sell “the most diverse fabrics, intended for subsequent marketing”
in the town of Gorica. Among the fees paid by the peasants to the Devin
manor in 1637, we may find “all kinds of products from animal hair and
spinning” (allerlei Haar- und Spinnwerk). At the end of the 17th century the
commercial flows on the Karst were largely out of control, thanks both to
the local peasants and landlords, who backed their subjects in avoiding the
payment of any duty when introducing livestock or “other merchandise”
they had bought in Carniola. A toll agent in the area in 1691 complained
that the peasants opposed him “with arms in their hands, mistreated him,
beat him, and continually threatened his life” (Panjek 2002, 162–4; 2004,
2 For more examples and types of activity on the Karst see Beguš, Kalc, and Kavrečič
in this book.
3 Gestrin 1991, 252, as cited in Panjek 2011, 306.
235
at the same time the real number of holdings was quite a lot larger than the
above mentioned figures would imply.
In order to avoid the risk of overestimation due to possible exaggera-
tions of the contemporary observers, we may assume an average division of
each old hube into two parts. For the Devin manor that would double their
number from 273.5 plus 35 to 547 plus 70 hube-portions, whose total would
be 617 ‘larger’ holdings. A less prudent estimation, based on a more liter-
al understanding of the commissionaire’s observation, would imply multi-
plying the number of hube by three, totalling 925.5 holdings. In both cases
at least 100 cottagers must be added. On this basis we may roughly estimate
a total number of about 700 to around 1,000 peasant holdings in the Devin
jurisdiction in 1637.
This information seems to confirm the hypothesis that the Karst could
represent a good environment for an integrated peasant economy. We’ll be
looking for confirmation further on through the analysis of the local real
estate market. But first we’ll sketch some examples of non-agricultural and
market related activities of the Karst peasants in the Early Modern centu-
ries, based on the existing literature.2
As early as 1552 the provincial estates of Carniola claimed that “in par-
ticular in Carniola and the Karst the peasants could not remain on their
farms without trade and their carrying activities.”3 In a report from a cus-
toms officer dating back to the year 1567, we may read that the transit of cat-
tle coming from the duchy of Carniola and directed to the Venetian terri-
tory transformed into widespread smuggling when crossing the Karst. In
1589 “pedlars” (Krämer) and “tradesmen” from the Karst were reportedly
used to sell “the most diverse fabrics, intended for subsequent marketing”
in the town of Gorica. Among the fees paid by the peasants to the Devin
manor in 1637, we may find “all kinds of products from animal hair and
spinning” (allerlei Haar- und Spinnwerk). At the end of the 17th century the
commercial flows on the Karst were largely out of control, thanks both to
the local peasants and landlords, who backed their subjects in avoiding the
payment of any duty when introducing livestock or “other merchandise”
they had bought in Carniola. A toll agent in the area in 1691 complained
that the peasants opposed him “with arms in their hands, mistreated him,
beat him, and continually threatened his life” (Panjek 2002, 162–4; 2004,
2 For more examples and types of activity on the Karst see Beguš, Kalc, and Kavrečič
in this book.
3 Gestrin 1991, 252, as cited in Panjek 2011, 306.
235
