Page 259 - Hrobat Virloget, Katja. 2021. V tišini spomina: "eksodus" in Istra. Koper, Trst: Založba Univerze na Primorskem in Založništvo tržaškega tiska
P. 259
Summary
Similarly, in Italy silence about the ‘exodus’ was interrupted concur-
rently with an outburst of alternative memories in Europe which, in the
hands of right-wing politicians, were used as an argument for incriminat-
ing the left-wing parties for having silenced the darker sides of history. All
of the stories of the post-imperial history are in fact stories about defeat,
making them unpleasant for both the locals and researchers. These people
were ‘excluded from history’ as the bearers of negative colonial heritage
(Baussant 2019; Ballinger 2012).
A review of the professional literature also adds to the impression that
the darker sides of history have been avoided. While the Italian litera-
ture is quite comprehensive, there is a scarcity of research on the Slove-
nian side about the ‘exodus’ and the drastic changes it caused for Istrian
society. Thus far, no research has been conducted from the ethnological
perspective. Like elsewhere, the national histories associated with ‘exo-
dus’ are underpinned by selective historical constructions, drawing on self-
victimisation that makes it impossible to hear the ‘other’ and reconsider
one’s own co-responsibility (Assmann 2007).
International conflict discourses are reflected in holidays as the pillars
of national collective memories. One of these is the Italian memorial day
of the ‘exodus’ and ‘foibe,’ implying similarity with Holocaust victims. This
memorial day lifts to the national level the narrative about the Italians as
victims, completely erasing the 20-year period of the fascist oppression of
Slovenians and Croats after 1919. The Italian political discourse distances
itself from the fascist past mainly through the ‘italiani, brava gente’ myth. A
response to Italy’s Memorial Day came from Slovenian politics by institut-
ing a holiday called the Day of the Return of Primorska to its Homeland,
which by ignoring the complex historical border issues has often hurt the
feelings of those Italians who decided to stay in Yugoslavia. Heritage as
a medium embodying national histories is one of the reflections of con-
flicting views where the past has been instrumentalised for political pur-
poses. Rejecting migrants’ oblivion thus becomes an instrument of politi-
cal power games. Like with the expulsion of Sudeten Germans, the ‘exodus’
served as a powerful element in the political game of imposing conditions
on non-members for joining the European Union. The Slovenian-Italian
conflict over the restitution of stolen Venetian works of art from Istrian
towns during the Second World War forms part of this context. An unre-
solved question concerns whether the appropriated art works belong to
the physical and geographical area where they originate from or to the his-
torical and cultural milieu that created them, in our case esuli.
257
Similarly, in Italy silence about the ‘exodus’ was interrupted concur-
rently with an outburst of alternative memories in Europe which, in the
hands of right-wing politicians, were used as an argument for incriminat-
ing the left-wing parties for having silenced the darker sides of history. All
of the stories of the post-imperial history are in fact stories about defeat,
making them unpleasant for both the locals and researchers. These people
were ‘excluded from history’ as the bearers of negative colonial heritage
(Baussant 2019; Ballinger 2012).
A review of the professional literature also adds to the impression that
the darker sides of history have been avoided. While the Italian litera-
ture is quite comprehensive, there is a scarcity of research on the Slove-
nian side about the ‘exodus’ and the drastic changes it caused for Istrian
society. Thus far, no research has been conducted from the ethnological
perspective. Like elsewhere, the national histories associated with ‘exo-
dus’ are underpinned by selective historical constructions, drawing on self-
victimisation that makes it impossible to hear the ‘other’ and reconsider
one’s own co-responsibility (Assmann 2007).
International conflict discourses are reflected in holidays as the pillars
of national collective memories. One of these is the Italian memorial day
of the ‘exodus’ and ‘foibe,’ implying similarity with Holocaust victims. This
memorial day lifts to the national level the narrative about the Italians as
victims, completely erasing the 20-year period of the fascist oppression of
Slovenians and Croats after 1919. The Italian political discourse distances
itself from the fascist past mainly through the ‘italiani, brava gente’ myth. A
response to Italy’s Memorial Day came from Slovenian politics by institut-
ing a holiday called the Day of the Return of Primorska to its Homeland,
which by ignoring the complex historical border issues has often hurt the
feelings of those Italians who decided to stay in Yugoslavia. Heritage as
a medium embodying national histories is one of the reflections of con-
flicting views where the past has been instrumentalised for political pur-
poses. Rejecting migrants’ oblivion thus becomes an instrument of politi-
cal power games. Like with the expulsion of Sudeten Germans, the ‘exodus’
served as a powerful element in the political game of imposing conditions
on non-members for joining the European Union. The Slovenian-Italian
conflict over the restitution of stolen Venetian works of art from Istrian
towns during the Second World War forms part of this context. An unre-
solved question concerns whether the appropriated art works belong to
the physical and geographical area where they originate from or to the his-
torical and cultural milieu that created them, in our case esuli.
257
