Page 262 - Hrobat Virloget, Katja. 2021. V tišini spomina: "eksodus" in Istra. Koper, Trst: Založba Univerze na Primorskem in Založništvo tržaškega tiska
P. 262
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often referred to, namely the immigration of several thousand (2,000 to
10,000) workers from the town of Tržič/Monfalcone and its surroundings
for ideological reasons, although these two phenomena are incomparable
in terms of numbers.
When counting migrants’ national identities, one should consider the
fluidity, hybridity and undefined character of ethnic identities from such
multicultural environments. For many of them, the decision to opt for Ital-
ian citizenship constituted a decision for national identity, mainly Italian,
as Italy promised state aid to refugees. Historians portray both the 19th
and 20th centuries as periods of indifference and changeability of the eth-
nic identification in Istria, merely adjusting to the socio-political circum-
stances and survival strategies of the time. This was witnessed by many
Istrian writers and interlocutors, claiming for instance: ‘We became Slove-
nians.’ National identities are generally fluid, but at times of socio-political
commotions, such as the establishment of a state border, they start to con-
solidate. At the same time, social class opposites are associated with ethnic
identities, as was the case with townspeople who felt superior to peasants
from the rural hinterland – this phenomenon matched ethnic identities.
Passing from one identity to another, especially to the Italian, was also a
result of survival needs and identification with a higher social status (es-
pecially in the time of fascism). The same was seen in testimonies on the
opposite side, namely in the era of Yugoslavia the system made it more ap-
propriate for people to receive an education in Yugoslav schools and not
the Italian ones, which then also led to ethnic identification. In view of the
daily ethnic identification pressure the authorities exerted on Istrians, the
latter resorted (and still do) to their regional, Istrian identification. There
is fluidity but, on the other hand, the testimonies also reveal an upsurge in
ethnic identities resulting from the threatening circumstances, such as fas-
cism for the Slovenians and Croats, and the changed social circumstances
following the ‘exodus’ for the Italians.
The main reasons for the Italians’ emigration no doubt include the stig-
matisation or collective criminalisation of Italians as fascists in the new
Yugoslav system, even if the official politics did not consider them to be
enemies of the state. For most interlocutors with an anti-fascist and also
a socialist orientation, this negative perception was all the more painful.
Additional pressure on the freedom to declare one’s ethnic identity was
felt by Italians whose children with a Slavic surname were transferred to
Slovenian or Croatian schools based on the argument that the real identity
must be restored to ‘false’ Italians.
260
often referred to, namely the immigration of several thousand (2,000 to
10,000) workers from the town of Tržič/Monfalcone and its surroundings
for ideological reasons, although these two phenomena are incomparable
in terms of numbers.
When counting migrants’ national identities, one should consider the
fluidity, hybridity and undefined character of ethnic identities from such
multicultural environments. For many of them, the decision to opt for Ital-
ian citizenship constituted a decision for national identity, mainly Italian,
as Italy promised state aid to refugees. Historians portray both the 19th
and 20th centuries as periods of indifference and changeability of the eth-
nic identification in Istria, merely adjusting to the socio-political circum-
stances and survival strategies of the time. This was witnessed by many
Istrian writers and interlocutors, claiming for instance: ‘We became Slove-
nians.’ National identities are generally fluid, but at times of socio-political
commotions, such as the establishment of a state border, they start to con-
solidate. At the same time, social class opposites are associated with ethnic
identities, as was the case with townspeople who felt superior to peasants
from the rural hinterland – this phenomenon matched ethnic identities.
Passing from one identity to another, especially to the Italian, was also a
result of survival needs and identification with a higher social status (es-
pecially in the time of fascism). The same was seen in testimonies on the
opposite side, namely in the era of Yugoslavia the system made it more ap-
propriate for people to receive an education in Yugoslav schools and not
the Italian ones, which then also led to ethnic identification. In view of the
daily ethnic identification pressure the authorities exerted on Istrians, the
latter resorted (and still do) to their regional, Istrian identification. There
is fluidity but, on the other hand, the testimonies also reveal an upsurge in
ethnic identities resulting from the threatening circumstances, such as fas-
cism for the Slovenians and Croats, and the changed social circumstances
following the ‘exodus’ for the Italians.
The main reasons for the Italians’ emigration no doubt include the stig-
matisation or collective criminalisation of Italians as fascists in the new
Yugoslav system, even if the official politics did not consider them to be
enemies of the state. For most interlocutors with an anti-fascist and also
a socialist orientation, this negative perception was all the more painful.
Additional pressure on the freedom to declare one’s ethnic identity was
felt by Italians whose children with a Slavic surname were transferred to
Slovenian or Croatian schools based on the argument that the real identity
must be restored to ‘false’ Italians.
260
