Page 266 - Hrobat Virloget, Katja. 2021. V tišini spomina: "eksodus" in Istra. Koper, Trst: Založba Univerze na Primorskem in Založništvo tržaškega tiska
P. 266
mary
towards a ‘voluntary’ choice. If we identify with people, their dilemmas
and experiences from an anthropological perspective, the reality unveils
in a different, more human way, with no reason at all to argue who was
right and who was wrong . . . On both sides, people’s hardships were mis-
used for political purposes, often underpinned by scientific research that
lacked criticism of their own national discourse.
The study also mentions the relationships between the esuli and those
who stayed, which have not been harmonious. The esuli consider them-
selves the only genuine Italians from Istria and despise those who stayed,
calling them ‘false’ Italians. This is reflected in ruined relationships be-
tween the two communities, even though their family ties remain.
After the ‘Exodus’? About the Renewal of the Istrian Society,
Relationships and Heritage
While the first immigrants recall arriving into a completely Italian urban
environment and the individual disappearances of Italian families at a time
of the sporadic emigrations, subsequent immigrants and locals remem-
ber the complete emptying of towns and migration en masse, in ‘columns’
which may be attributed to the last phase of the ‘exodus,’ after the annexa-
tion of Zone B to Yugoslavia. It was a complete exchange of population, i.e.
the emigration of old and immigration of new inhabitants, as testified to
by a genuine story about a ‘bunch of keys’ the immigrants had been given
upon arriving into the emptied towns so as to find themselves a suitable
flat. Although such memories are widespread, some claim that not all im-
migrants had such a privilege.
Emigration from Istrian towns also affected the rural areas since many
people moved from the hinterlands into vacated urban areas. Memories
confirm that the first immigrants filled the employment needs of the mili-
tary and civil administrations, along with the newly established social and
economic structures. Due to reintroduction of the Slovenian school sys-
tem, which was abolished under fascism, the first immigrants were bilin-
gual teachers. People also remember that bilingual or experienced teaching
staff were given priority in urban areas, whereas the villages were intended
for teachers fresh out of school who did not speak Italian.
The first immigrants came from the intermediate hinterlands, from Is-
tria and the broader Primorska region. They also included partisans who
were awarded a place to live and a job as repayment for their war activism,
and they were also strongly needed in the process of establishing a new
socio-political system. After the London Memorandum, emigration inten-
264
towards a ‘voluntary’ choice. If we identify with people, their dilemmas
and experiences from an anthropological perspective, the reality unveils
in a different, more human way, with no reason at all to argue who was
right and who was wrong . . . On both sides, people’s hardships were mis-
used for political purposes, often underpinned by scientific research that
lacked criticism of their own national discourse.
The study also mentions the relationships between the esuli and those
who stayed, which have not been harmonious. The esuli consider them-
selves the only genuine Italians from Istria and despise those who stayed,
calling them ‘false’ Italians. This is reflected in ruined relationships be-
tween the two communities, even though their family ties remain.
After the ‘Exodus’? About the Renewal of the Istrian Society,
Relationships and Heritage
While the first immigrants recall arriving into a completely Italian urban
environment and the individual disappearances of Italian families at a time
of the sporadic emigrations, subsequent immigrants and locals remem-
ber the complete emptying of towns and migration en masse, in ‘columns’
which may be attributed to the last phase of the ‘exodus,’ after the annexa-
tion of Zone B to Yugoslavia. It was a complete exchange of population, i.e.
the emigration of old and immigration of new inhabitants, as testified to
by a genuine story about a ‘bunch of keys’ the immigrants had been given
upon arriving into the emptied towns so as to find themselves a suitable
flat. Although such memories are widespread, some claim that not all im-
migrants had such a privilege.
Emigration from Istrian towns also affected the rural areas since many
people moved from the hinterlands into vacated urban areas. Memories
confirm that the first immigrants filled the employment needs of the mili-
tary and civil administrations, along with the newly established social and
economic structures. Due to reintroduction of the Slovenian school sys-
tem, which was abolished under fascism, the first immigrants were bilin-
gual teachers. People also remember that bilingual or experienced teaching
staff were given priority in urban areas, whereas the villages were intended
for teachers fresh out of school who did not speak Italian.
The first immigrants came from the intermediate hinterlands, from Is-
tria and the broader Primorska region. They also included partisans who
were awarded a place to live and a job as repayment for their war activism,
and they were also strongly needed in the process of establishing a new
socio-political system. After the London Memorandum, emigration inten-
264
