Page 271 - Hrobat Virloget, Katja. 2021. V tišini spomina: "eksodus" in Istra. Koper, Trst: Založba Univerze na Primorskem in Založništvo tržaškega tiska
P. 271
Summary
action, which is what the ‘national’ heritage wishes to demonstrate, some
competing heritage discourses emerged as well. These were most evident
upon the renovation of Venetian architecture, where the colour of the
façade reflected the inhabitants’ emotional ties, on one hand of the ‘old’
population, the Italians, and on the other the newcomers, the Slovenians
(Čebron Lipovec in press). In such discourses about the ‘correct’ vision of
the heritage, those who are the most silent are still left out, namely the
immigrants from the republics of former Yugoslavia, who are foreigners
but see themselves as ‘foreigners in their own domain.’
The ‘exodus’ also left a mark in the (dis)continuity of the intangible her-
itage in Istria. Some religious holidays, such as the šagra festivity and Chris-
tian pilgrimages, were interrupted during the new Yugoslav rule (as else-
where too), whereby the Italians not only saw in church tradition a certain
continuity with the past, but which for them was also a strong national
emotional element. Many believe that the interruption of the šagra fes-
tivities was due to interruption in the continuity of settlement since the
newcomers were no longer interested in the local traditions nor fostered
them. The secularisation of society is another reason that should not be
overlooked. In some places, attempts were made to revitalise traditions,
but only a handful of people identify with them, i.e. the minority of the
‘old’ residents. The interruption in the continuity of settlement is also seen
in the local fishery tradition which was broken off and then established
anew, with people recalling that the local Italian fishermen imparted their
knowledge of the original fishing tradition to farmers from the surround-
ing area. The culinary culture is a reflection of the population exchange and
the political system where fish was replaced by čevapčiči grilled meat as a
representation of the ‘Balkan other.’ However, tradition can also play a co-
hesive, integrative role, as was the case in post-war Mardi Gras celebration
and dancing events in Koper, during which the social walls dividing the
immigrants and the native inhabitants collapsed.
Through the prism of heritage as an ideological memory frame, it was
demonstrated how heritage in Istrian multicultural society has become a
tool for its nationalisation using the example of ‘Slovenian folklore dances’
and national costume. Memories revealed that Slovenian immigrants, par-
ticularly the educated ones, felt more Slovenians than the native Istrians,
which was noticed in their contemptuous attitude to Istrians who spoke
a dialect, as well as in their effort to establish the ‘true,’ literary Slove-
nian language (which also happened in other parts of Slovenia). Nation-
alisation was enforced down to the level of individual persons, including
269
action, which is what the ‘national’ heritage wishes to demonstrate, some
competing heritage discourses emerged as well. These were most evident
upon the renovation of Venetian architecture, where the colour of the
façade reflected the inhabitants’ emotional ties, on one hand of the ‘old’
population, the Italians, and on the other the newcomers, the Slovenians
(Čebron Lipovec in press). In such discourses about the ‘correct’ vision of
the heritage, those who are the most silent are still left out, namely the
immigrants from the republics of former Yugoslavia, who are foreigners
but see themselves as ‘foreigners in their own domain.’
The ‘exodus’ also left a mark in the (dis)continuity of the intangible her-
itage in Istria. Some religious holidays, such as the šagra festivity and Chris-
tian pilgrimages, were interrupted during the new Yugoslav rule (as else-
where too), whereby the Italians not only saw in church tradition a certain
continuity with the past, but which for them was also a strong national
emotional element. Many believe that the interruption of the šagra fes-
tivities was due to interruption in the continuity of settlement since the
newcomers were no longer interested in the local traditions nor fostered
them. The secularisation of society is another reason that should not be
overlooked. In some places, attempts were made to revitalise traditions,
but only a handful of people identify with them, i.e. the minority of the
‘old’ residents. The interruption in the continuity of settlement is also seen
in the local fishery tradition which was broken off and then established
anew, with people recalling that the local Italian fishermen imparted their
knowledge of the original fishing tradition to farmers from the surround-
ing area. The culinary culture is a reflection of the population exchange and
the political system where fish was replaced by čevapčiči grilled meat as a
representation of the ‘Balkan other.’ However, tradition can also play a co-
hesive, integrative role, as was the case in post-war Mardi Gras celebration
and dancing events in Koper, during which the social walls dividing the
immigrants and the native inhabitants collapsed.
Through the prism of heritage as an ideological memory frame, it was
demonstrated how heritage in Istrian multicultural society has become a
tool for its nationalisation using the example of ‘Slovenian folklore dances’
and national costume. Memories revealed that Slovenian immigrants, par-
ticularly the educated ones, felt more Slovenians than the native Istrians,
which was noticed in their contemptuous attitude to Istrians who spoke
a dialect, as well as in their effort to establish the ‘true,’ literary Slove-
nian language (which also happened in other parts of Slovenia). Nation-
alisation was enforced down to the level of individual persons, including
269
